Mass Media in the Grand Maghrib:Morocco - Algeria - Tunisia

 Mass Media in the Grand Maghrib:

Morocco - Algeria - Tunisia

Prof. Abderrahmane Azzi ©

Department of Communication
IIUMalaysia

11 June 1998

 

Introduction

The Grand Maghrib(*) includes Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia. Morocco is a kingdom of western North Africa. Its 1995 estimate population is 29,161,000(1) [the total area is 171,834 square miles]. Morocco is bounded on the north by the Mediterranean Sea , on the west by the Atlantic Ocean , on the east by Algeria, and on the south by Western Sahara and Mauritania. Algeria is a republic. Its 1995 estimate population is 28,539,000 [the total area is 919,590 square miles, it is the second largest country in Africa]. Algeria is bounded on the north by the Mediterranean Sea; on the west by Morocco, Western Sahara, and Mauritania; on the east by Tunisia and Libya; and on the south by Niger and Mali. Tunisia is a republic. Its1995 estimate population is 8,8 80,000 [the total area is 63,378 square miles]. Tunisia is bounded on the north and the east by the Mediterranean Sea, on the west by Algeria, and on the south by Libya. The great majority of the population in the GM (**) are Sunni Mu slims of Arab-Berber descent. The Europeans, who before independence accounted for 10 percent of the total in Algeria, now are well below 1 percent of the population in that country. There are small Christian and Jewish minorities in Morocco and Tu nisia. Arabic language is the official language in the region, but French is widely spoken among the elite and a sizable part of the population speaks Berber language.

Historical Highlights

The media (***) in the GM, particularly the print media , are the product of at least two historical components: colonialism and post-independence conditions. These factors, once integrated into a coherent approach, represent the unique characteristics o f media in this part of the Muslim world. The media in the GM can roughly be divided into the following main historical periods. The first periods extends from the era of colonial rule in the first half of the 19th century until the first decade of the 2 0th century. This period was characterized by the introduction and the growth of colonial papers whether directly controlled by French authorities or owned by French and other European settlers; few papers belonged to "indigenous"(2) Muslims. The secon d period starts from the 1910s until the thirties of this century. This period is celebrated by the emergence of papers published by Muslims under the strict control of the colonial administration. The third period begins from the 1930s and ends up when the states of the GM accessed to independence in the fifties and the sixties. This period saw the rise of Muslim nationalist press (many were underground) pertaining to different parties struggling to advance the cause of independence. The last period begins in the early 1960s and extends to the present time. This latter period gave the press new dimensions and functions, among which was the advancement of government economic, social and cultural policies or what was called at that time media's parti cipation in national development.

The press in the GM, as mentioned, was introduced by the colonizers in the early part of the 19th century. The Muslims have known many forms of print communication throughout history. The closest form to modern journalism was Al Rihla: a journ alistic and historical account of one's observations and experiences during a long journey to other countries or to El Hadj in Mecca. The most noted "Rihlas" in this part of the Muslim world are Rihlat Ibn Batouta and Rihlat El Wartilani(3). However, the press, as known today, was probably a Western invention. That is, the press, as Ihaddaden(4) puts it, is an imported phenomenon (5). The first paper in the GM was Africa liberal, a Spanish paper published in Sebta, Moroc co around 1820. This was followed by l' Estafette de Sidi Ferrudj which appeared to serve as a means of communication among the soldiers of the crusade when the city of Algiers fell in the hands of colonizers in 1830. The first paper in Arab ic was Al Mubahir (6) which was published in 1847 in Algeria. This latter paper is considered the third paper to be published in Arabic in the Arab World (7). The first papers, published in French , mainly addressed the concerns of colonial instit utions and European settlers. There were some papers such as AL Mubashir of Algeria (1847), Al Raid Al Tunisia of Tunisia (1861) and Al Maghrib of Morocco (1886) which included few pages in Arabic , but these papers were founded e ssentially to communicate with the local population on colonial administration's restrictive and oppressive laws and policies.

The presence of the colonial press has caused the Muslims to give serious attention to the role such a medium can play in strengthening people's attachment to their culture and heritage or "shakhsia Islamia" (Islamic identity) which was severely disi ntegrated by the colonial process of dislocation, incorporation of land and persecution. The Muslims, however, were not able to use this medium throughout the 19th century for obvious reasons. The press law of 1881 considered Arabic language as a foreign language in the French colonies including the GM (articles 4 an 6 of the above law). Printing in Arabic and the importation of Arabic papers and documents were considered serious violations of the law and thus could not be permitted (8). This law also postulated that only those enjoying civil rights were permitted to issue a publication. The Muslims were apparently required to seek French nationality and adopt French language and culture to possibly acquire such rights. This undertaking was rejected b y the majority of the Muslims who actually sought to use the press to preserve their Islamic identity and affinity with the Muslim Ummah.

The Muslim press emerged during the early decade of the 20th century defying colonial rule. This period saw the rise of an educated Muslim elite (in Arabic, French, or both) who sought to use the press and other original channels such as "Nawadi" (cl ubs) to revive Muslim culture and reconcile modernity "hadatha" within the framework of an Islamic identity "assala." The early papers were banned right after the first issue, i.e., El Haq,1893, of Hadj Omar, Al Maghrib,1903, of Said Zahiri , etc.

The first World War dramatically affected the Muslims who were forced to participate in the war efforts in great numbers. The war exposed the Muslims to the outside environment where they became aware of many Muslim nationalist movements such as "Misr El Fatat" (the young Egypt) in Egypt. This emerging Muslim elite tried then to form a united block to advance the cause of Muslims, i.e., the paper of El Ikdam, 1921, published by Emir Khaled in Algeria (the paper was banned and Emir Khaled, the l eader of this movement in Algeria, was forced into exile in Syria).

The third period, which began during the late 1920s, saw the rise of a Muslim nationalist press pertaining to different political orientations mostly Islahi (reformist) and nationalist. This press advocated reforms, democratic rights and independence from colonial rule. This press was repressed and many papers went underground as the movement and the liberation struggle for independence began in the early 1950s.

The last period is the post-independence era where the media became an instrument for political legitimatization and indoctrination or what is called in the official discourse "national social and economic development." This "developmental "role was l ater undermined as the media became merely a spokesman for the ruling elite to the exclusion of the general public who became apathetic in relation to media content in this part of the Muslim world.

The current media system in the GM is a centralized press system. That is, the electronic and print media perform functions under government control and constraint. The little media autonomy which may exist applies mainly to print media, although the prevailing situation indicates that there is an inclination to slowly move away from total government control. The private and independent press lacks journalistic traditions and is subject to political pressures from government and economic restraints f rom the social and economic shortcomings of the environment in general.

The GM has moderate level of literacy ( 50-65% )(9) and newspaper circulation, except to some extent that of Algeria, is low (16 to 49 copies of daily papers per 1,000 people) (10). The print media usually direct themselves to the urban elite whi ch is heterogeneous and exhibits different modes of norms, habits, tongues, and sensibilities, although the electronic media (radio and television) have reached almost every part of the GM. The French influence in the countries of the GM still is visible and high even after four decades of independence (1962-1996). Today, many major dailies in these countries are published in French; El Moudjahid (350,000 in circulation) (11) in Algeria, l'Opinion (50,000) in Morocco and La Presse (50,000) in Tunisia. The print media published in Arabic are nonetheless witnessing, not without difficulty, great gains both quantitatively and qualitatively, i.e., Al Mouharrir (50,000) in Morocco, Al Chaab (120,000) in Algeria, and Essabah (70,000) in Tunisia (12).

A review of literature on international communication shows that there is little written about the mass media in the GM. Lowenstein's survey, known as the Press Independence and Critical Ability (PICA), gives different appreciation of press freedom in the countries of the GM. Morocco is ranked among countries that are free with many controls, Algeria among the countries whose press is controlled to a high degree, and Tunisia among countries which have a controlled press system to a low degree (13).

The PICA survey gives some indications as to the nature of media's relation to government. However, the survey relies exclusively on the concept of freedom which is a controversial term and presents many difficulties in cross cultural comparisons. T he press system is considered free only when it is not controlled by government whereas journalism practices in many cultures show that press control can be exercised by either government (as in authoritarian states) or corporate and financial interests (as in the liberal world).

The rankings of press autonomy done by Freedom House, gives Tunis a rate of 5 and Algeria 6 (1 as least constraint and 7 as most constraint)(14). This ranking is quiet indicative, but tends to be too general to provide a reliable account of the workin g mechanisms, the different forms of social control and the relative autonomy of some print media vis-à-vis other media in the GM.

The Rugh's classifications of the Arab press (the mobilizing, the loyalist, and the diversity system) are represented in the GM. The mobilizing system in Algeria is characterized by a high degree of government control over the press; the press went through the process of nationalization during the early years of independence and then became an instrument for government policies. The loyalist system in Tunisia makes the press support the government in spite of the fact that the press is mostly privately owned. The diversity system in Morocco insures some degree of autonomy from government control. (15).

Rugh's study is probably the most extensive and comprehensive analysis of the Arab press in general. The author was able not only to describe thoroughly the different aspects that shape the development of the Arab press but to develop a theory which gives the Arab press a unique position in relation to the existing theories of the press, namely the authoritarian, the libertarian, the communist and the social responsibility. Rugh's study, however, was partly simplistic and contains generalities which do not reflect the diversity and the complexity of the many facets of the press in the GM. I outlined, in a lengthy review of Rugh's study (16) , basic critics of Rugh's approach in terms of form and content, among which are the dominance of one variable in the analysis of the Arab press (media's relation to government), the inability to uncover the depth of cultural bonds that unify regional groups of states within the Arab World such as the GM, the Eastern Arabia, the Golf states, etc. and understandably the simplification of some historical events.

John Merrill, in a recent reference, argues that the "prevailing trends in the region could send the media off in several directions." He notes the "proliferation of electronically delivered information and entertainment throughout the region." This, he argues, provides alternatives to the limited choices previously available, a fact which is breaking former government monopolies of information. (17)

Literature by non-Westerners on press development in the countries of the GM is scarce. Ihaddaden cites a dozen of studies on press history in Algeria (18), most of which tend to be descriptive and historical such as the one conducted by Zubir Seif Islam(19).

Print Media

The first newspaper in Morocco was a Spanish paper entitled Africa Liberal which was published in the town of Sebta around 1820. The first paper in Arabic, however, was Al Maghrib which appeared 1886. Tafasca notes that the number of papers published in Morocco between 1820 and 1912 exceeded 50 titles, most of them were owned by European settlers and published in French or Spanish language (20).

The contemporary press in Morocco goes back to the thirties of this century with the rise of nationalist parties. The modern press history can be traced precisely to World War II (21). In 1944, The Istiqlal Party, which led the country to independence, started its own two papers ; Al Alam in Arabic and l 'Opinion in French. The two papers were anti-French colonialism and advocated Muslims' rights and independence. The French-owned company, Mas Group, had the two biggest dailies: la Vigie and Le Petit Marocain. The two papers, according to Rugh, were more informative than politically oriented and tended to concentrate on local news and Morocco's relations with France (22). Tafasca, on the other hand, argues that the two papers were very devoted to the French administration in Morocco.(23). The two papers ceased to exist in 1971.

Morocco gained independence in 1956. Soon, a great number of newspapers reflecting different party affiliations appeared. The authorities apparently did not interfere in a significant way to put an end to openly competing political factions. That is, the press could weather the transition period and keep its diversity. The press legislation of 1958 reflected somewhat the desire of different political parties to preserve this space of free expression (24). The print media in Morocco are mostly independent whereas the electronic media, with the exception of radio Midi 1 and a local Television station, are government controlled. That is, the media in general are conditioned by the political considerations of the monarchy system is spite of the fact that the official discourse tends to have a liberal tone.

Today, there are a dozen dailies in Morocco. Le Matin, a private newspaper, is the largest. The dailies in Morocco generally are privately owned and have a relatively moderate rate of readership. The press in Morocco can be divided into three types; pro-government, critical and anti-government newspapers. The pro-government dailies are represented by the followings: le Matin and Maroc Soir, established by a former Minister and a relative of the King, Al Mithaq Al Watany and Al Maghrib, established by a onetime Prime Minister, and Al Anba, published by the Ministry of Information. The dailies critical of the government are Al Alam and l'Opinion of the Istqlal Party. The anti-government dailies are Al Muharrir, of the Socialist Union of the Popular Forces, and Al Bayan (one edition in Arabic and another in French) , of the Progress an Socialism Party. The anti-government dailies are more likely to suffer from government restrictions than others. The distribution of foreign press in Morocco is extensive. The number of foreign newspapers, magazines, and other periodicals distributed in Morocco today is 1021 titles. Most of this press comes from France (653 titles), followed by Egypt (73), then comes Lebanon, Spain, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Italy, Germany , England and Syria. The countries that contribute with less than 10 titles are Qatar, United Emirate, the United States, Portugal, Holland and Switzerland. (25).

The press in Algeria appeared during the early years of colonialism. Ihaddaden describes different types of press affiliations during the 19th century and the first half of the twentieth century; a) the official press (French administration) which was first directed to settlers, soldiers of the expedition, etc. and later to local Muslims to provide instructions on official policies i.e., Al Akhbar,1837 and Al Mubashir which started in 1847; b) the colonial press which reflected the views of the French and other European settlers, c) the Muslim press which belonged to local individuals or groups such as Al Haq which appeared in 1893 in the city of Annaba and Al Misbah which began in 1904 in the city of Oran, and d) the nationalist press brought about by the rise of Muslim nationalist parties beginning with Al Ouma in 1930. (26).

The first Muslim paper (owned and published by individual Muslims) was Al Haq which appeared in the city of Annaba in 1893. The paper exposed the sufferings of the Muslims and criticized the oppressive policies to expropriate the lands of the Muslims. The paper was soon banned. This paper was the precursor of Muslim press in Algeria. It was followed by many papers at the turn of this century such as El Farrouq and Al Siddiq of Omar Ibn Kaddour Al Jazairi, Thu El Fekar, of Omar Racim, etc. (27).

The early 1920s saw the return of many Muslim intellectuals graduated from such prominent religious institutions as Al Azhar (Egypt) and Al Zaytuna (Tunisia). These intellectuals, led by Cheikh Abdelhamid Ibn Badis, initiated a national reformist movement never witnessed before in the recent history of Algeria. The movement sought to revive the Muslim culture, unveil those non-Islamic rituals and myths practiced by many sects of Zawaya (traditional religious schools), and awaken the hearts and minds of the Muslims to seek better enlightened understanding of Islam and preserve their Islamic identity in the face of colonial attempts to eliminate this dimension and assimilate the Muslims into the colonial culture. This elite put priority on education by establishing educational institutions (madrassa) to create an Islamic renaissance similar to that initiated by such prominent reformers as Mohamed Abdou and Jamal Eddine Al Afghani in the Machrik (eastern Arabia). The Algerian Ulama (religious intellectuals) used the press effectively. The first reformation paper was Al Montaqid, 1925, of Cheikh Ibn Badis. The paper was banned the same year (28). This was followed by Al Chihab, 1926. Many similar papers appeared in other parts of the country such as Wadi Mizab of Abou Al Yakathan. The Ulama established their association, known as the Algerian Muslim Ulama Association, in 1931 and created the journal El Bacair which lasted until 1956 as the war of liberation was in its second year. The Ulama's struggle to preserve Islamic identity and prepare the new generation for future challenges is best explained by Ibn Badis in his celebrated poem known to all Algerian Muslims ever since:

The Algerian people are Muslims
To Arab civilization they belong
Those who say that he deviated from his root
Or say that he died, they lie
Or seek him assimilation
They seek the impossible from their quest

The press in Algeria has witnessed significant growth beginning with War World II. (29). This is due to many factors, among which were the development of Muslim nationalist press, the increasing number of European settlers, etc. In the 1950s, there were eight daily newspapers in the country. The two biggest were La Depeche Quotidienne controlled by the great land-owner and politician Henry Borgeaut, and l'Echo d'Alger owned by Vicomte de Sergny, a land owner and businessman. Both newspapers advocated French Algeria (l'Algerie Francaise), a policy which considered Algeria as an integral part of France.

The Muslim nationalist movement had only weeklies: Algerie Libre, organ of the Movement for the Triumph of Democratic Liberties (MTLD), La Republique Algerienne, voice of Ferhat Abbas' Democratic Union for the Algerian Manifest (UDMA); and El Bacair, published by the Ulama, the Algerian Muslim Ulama Association (30). These weeklies went underground when the French administration suppressed them in1955, as the seven-year long war of independence started. The National liberation Front (NLF), regrouping all nationalist organizations, started publishing its own papers El Moudjahid in 1956, which was also circulating clandestinely in the country.

The Muslim press published in Arabic witnessed many forms of restrictions and suppressions and thus was not able to flourish and grow. Indeed, " a large group of French settlers living in Algeria gained control of the economic, political, and cultural life so thoroughly that the Muslim press was not able to grow"(31).

The country gained independence on July 5, 1962. During the period between July and November 1962, a number of newspapers of diverse political orientations and interests appeared. The National Liberation Front brought to Algiers El Moudjahid which was published as a weekly in Tunis; the Alger Republicain, reappeared and the Algerian People's Party started its organ. This period did not last long. In November 1961, the party press was banned in an important step towards establishing a one-party system. Between November 1962 and August 1963, The NLF reinforced its position in the country and created three newspapers and ten magazines to spread its political orientation and create acceptable conditions for a one-party system. In August 1963, the parliament, representing delegates from the NLF, proclaimed Algeria a one-party state. As a result, the press lost its diversity. On September 17, 1963, the political bureau of the NLF announced the nationalization of la Depeche d'Alger, l'Echo d'Oran and la Depeche de Constantine.

Ihaddaden notes that the press in Algeria since independence can be divided into three periods. The first period 1962-1965 is characterized by a) the creation of many daily newspapers owned by the government such Ach Chaab in 1961, El Djoumhoria and An Nasr in 1963, and Alger-ce-Soir in 1964; b) the nationalization of colonial press and c) control of national press. The second period 1964-1976 saw the increasing number of newspaper circulation in general. The printings of El Moudjahid, for example, went form 66,400 in 1965 to 140,000 in 1975. The whole printings of daily newspapers grew from 113,000 to 227,000 during a ten-year period. The third period begins from 1976. This period is singled out by the development the infrastructure for the diffusion of press and the increasing awareness of government officials of the important role the press can play in society in general . (32)

There were many social and political factors both internally (economic hardships) and externally (the downfall of the communist block) which gradually prepared the way for a significant process of change in terms of content control and media structure beginning with 1980's. The well-publicized events of October 1988 have accelerated the process of historical evolution in the world of mass media. The law of political association, 1989, has opened the way for a multi-party system; about sixty recognized political parties appeared. Hence, the press, as a dependent variable, has moved to the age of diversity, particularly in the world of print media where each party sought to acquire its own mean of communication especially a stable and well-established newspaper. The short period 1989-1992 can be considered as the golden age of the Algerian media. The different political sensibilities freely used the print media to advocate views, visions an>

---

Transfer interrupted!

h not regularly published, were very diversified such as El Mudjahid and Ech Chaab of the National Liberation Party, Al Monqid and Al Forqan of the Islamic Salvation Front, l'Avenir, El Mustqabl and Asalo(33) of the Rally for Culture and Democracy , Al Taqaddoum of the Social Democratic Party, Al Manbar of the Popular Association for Unity and Work , Sout Ach.Chaab of the Avant-Garde Socialist Party, etc. There were also government dailies such as Al Massa, Horizon, Al Jomhouria, and An Nasr. The independent papers were many among of which Al Khabar (a daily), le Jeune Independent(a weekly), etc. There were also many important weeklies in the form of magazines or tabloids such as El Moujahid, organ of the NLF, Algerie Actualite, which tended to have liberal stands on economic and political affairs, Revolution Africaine (34) which had leftist orientation in the coverage of national and international events and Hebdo, a competing weekly.

Merrill suggests that "the Algerian press has attracted a lot of attention that grew out of a democratic movement in the country beginning 1990. More than 150 new dailies, weeklies and magazines have come on the scene in the last four years."(35). . This period, however, was interrupted in 1992 when the outcome of the National Assembly elections, which favored the Islamic Salvation Front, were canceled, an event which, as it is known, plunged the country into a violent conflict unsettled so far. The media in general failed so far to play an independent and professional role to promote dialogue and possible reconciliation in this disintegration-reintegration process that is affecting the basic foundation of the Ummah.

The current map of print media is reduced to government and few independent papers. The government papers (dailies) are represented by Al Massa (circulation of 80,000), Horizon (260,000 ), Al Djoumhoria (90,000) and An Nasr (100,000)(36). The independent papers include Liberte (250,000) and Al Khabar (60,000).

The circulation of foreign publications in Algeria is minimal. The economic crisis, exacerbated by cuts in oil prices since 1985 has affected somewhat the availability of imported publications. However, the above mentioned recent crisis has reduced significantly people's access to foreign print media. Book Production is very low (506 titles in 1992). (see Table 1 for the current daily press in the GM).

---

Table 1
Daily newspapers in the Grand Maghrib

---

Country:	circulation (*) (1995)	language	ownership/control	first published
Morocco:	.	.	.	.
Al Mouharir	50,000	Arabic	party	1971
l'Opinion	50,000	French	government	1965
Maroc Soir	50,000	F	independent	1971
Le Matin du Sahara	50,000	F	-	-
Al Alam	45,000	A	party	1944
Al Maghrib	20,000	A	independent	1978
Al Mithaq Al Watani	20,000	A	independent	1976
Al Anbaa	20,000	A	government	1963
Al Bayane	15,000	A / F	independent	1972
Asharq Al-Awsat	10,000	A	-	-
Rissalat Al Ouma	6,000	A	-	-
Ahuida Addinokrati	4,000	B?	-	-
Sahara	-	-	-	-
Anoual 3,500	-	-	-
Algeria:	.	.	.	.
El Moudjahid	350,000 (**)	F	government	1956
El Watan	250,000(***)	F	independent	1990
Liberte	240,000 (***)	F	independent (****)	1991
Horizon	240,000	F	government	1985
Echaab	120,000	A	government	1962
An Nasr	100,000	A	government	1963
El Djoumhoria	90,000	A	government	1973
Le Matin	70,000(***)	F	independent (*****)	1992
El Khabar	60,000(***)	A	independent	1991
El Massa	30,000	A	government	1985
Tunisia:	.	.	.	.
Assabah	70,000	A	independent	1950
La Presse	50,000	F	-	1939
Le Temps	42,000	F	-	1976
Al Horria	30,000	A	-	-
Le Reneveau	30,000	F	-	-
Al Amal	27,000 (1979)	A	government 1957
l'Action	27,000 (1979)	F	government 1932
Al Chourook	25,000	A	-	-
Assahafa	25,000	A	-	-

(*) circulation taken from: Mohamed Nasir Jawed, Year Book of the Muslim World: A handy Encyclopedia, Medialine, New Delhi, 1996, pp. 406-413.

(**) The paper 's circulation declined significantly when the country moved to a multi-party system following the events of October 1988. The above circulation, mentioned in the Year Book of the Muslim World, is probably and old estimation.

(***) Estimations of paper in question.

(****) close to the Rally for Culture and Democracy. It is owned by Profilor company.

(*****) a leftist paper

---

 

The history of the Tunisian press goes back to 1861 when the first newspaper Al Raid Al Tunisi was established (37). The press published by French and other European settlers witnessed substantial growth during the late 19th century, i.e., Journal-Tunis 1889), l'Independent Tunisien (1884), Le Kara Kouz (1884) and le Reveil Tunisien (1886). Many other colonial papers such as l'Annexion (1892) La Tunisie Francaise 1892 and le Colon Francais 1912) defended clearly the interests of the new settlers in Tunisia. In addition, there were papers which reflected the views of "Franco-Tunisien" and which lasted for years such as l'Observateur Tunisien (1886) and la Depeche Tunisienne (1889). The latter ceased to appear only in 1962. (38)

The Muslim nationalist press advocating the independence of Tunisia appeared during the thirties of this century. Rugh notes that Habib Bourguiba started new area of Tunisian press by publishing l 'Action Tunisienne in 1932 which advanced the doctrine of independence by means of negotiation. The Tunisian Muslim nationalist press, unlike that of Algeria and Morocco, did develop during the period of French colonialism (1881-1956) primarily because of a significant group of middle-class intellectuals who could maintain contact with the eastern Arabia. The Muslim nationalist press, however, was not allowed to flourish, it was "controlled, censored, and restricted by the French administration." For example, l'Action Tunisienne was forced to close in 1933 along with other Muslim nationalist papers. The nationalist papers lived a long period of instability because of French intervention and its functions (39).

The era of independence (1956) brought to the scene many types of papers. l'Action and Al Amal became organs of the ruling Destourian Socialist Party. The few colonial papers which continued to appear during the transition period of independence such as la Depeche finally disappeared in 1962.

The print media in Tunisia during the time of Habib Bourguiba (1956-1987) was loyal to and supportive of the government despite the fact that it was generally privately owned. It tended to be passive in its language, sensitive to the political environment and did not criticize the basic tenets of national policy and personalities at the top of the government hierarchy. That is, the press in Tunisia had little diversity. Generally, private newspapers were more "likely to criticize government services which the general public finds deficient and print stories which put specific government officials in a negative light " (40). . Es Sabah, for example, was the most critical newspaper in the country before 1971.

The press in Tunisia is witnessing since 1987 some relaxation as the country is moving gradually toward a more pragmatic form of political system. However, the political environment is generally restricted , a fact which is reflected by relative homogeneity of media content in Tunisia today. There are two government newspapers in Tunisia , Al Amal and l'Action and three private newspapers including Assabah and Le Temps published by a wealthy businessman Habib Cheikh Rouhou. The opposition Islamic movement El-Nahda publishes Tunis El Chahida in London. The number of magazines and periodicals in Tunisia is low (9 in 1988). These paper include Al Ousboui, Assada, Al Sour, Al Ousbu Al Mosawar, Le Temps Hebdomadaire, and la Press Sport, Al Rabat, Nissa, Ayam Jerba, Al Jil Al Ajyal, Cetime, Relects Portuaires, etc.(41). Book production is relativey low (1165 titles in 1992). The presence of foreign press in Tunisia, however, is extensive. These include most of the well-known French dailies and magazines; other papers and journals come form Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, England, Lebanon, Egypt, Syria, China, Algeria, etc.

Electronic Media

Broadcasting was introduced into the region during the French rule. Radio broadcasting was established as early as late 1920s and Television appeared in 1954. The purpose of setting up these new technologies was to serve the French communities in the region, particularly those settlers living in or around such cities as Oran, Algiers, Tunis, etc. Morocco inherited many private radio stations. In 1956, three of these stations were operating: Radio Tangier International, Radio Africa Mghrib in Tangier and Radio Dersa in Tetwan. The government, in 1959, closed these commercial stations and took over control of all broadcasting to create a national network. Television came to Morocco in 1954 under the auspices of a private company called (Companies Marocaine de Television). The company failed financially in 1956 and was bought by the government in 1960.

The electronic media in Morocco generally are government owned and controlled, except for the radio station Midi 1 and a local TV station in the city of Dar El Beida. Midi 1 was able to capture a large audience throughout the GM thanks to its aggressive stylistic techniques in presenting a type of objective journalism not common in this part of the Muslim World. The content electronic media generally is dominated by entertainment which has "no immediate political implication." (42 ). Political content has little credibility among the general audience.

The number of radio receivers exceeds five millions (210 receivers per 1,000 inhabitants) and the number of TV sets is about two millions (74 sets per 1,000 inhabitants) in 1992. The availability of satellite television, VCR and PC is limited to the elite. The access to Direct Broadcasting Systems which delivers many foreign TV channels directly into people's home is restricted by many regulations.

Radio emerged in Algeria in 1926. The first radio station broadcast in French and served the French settlers in the city of Algiers and the surroundings. In 1947, two other radio channels were created in Algiers; one transmitted in Arabic the other in Berber language. The main radio and television transmitter in Bouzareah (west of Algiers) was heavily damaged during the liberation struggle (1954-1962). It was immediately rebuilt and expanded after independence under tight supervision of the government. Radio and television merged in 1962 to form one government national network called RTA (Radio Television Algerienne). They were later restructured into two main organizations: radio network and television network.

The electronic media in Algeria are government owned. There is one TV channel and radio broadcasting which comprises four public channels in Arabic (channel 1), Kabylia (channel 2), French (channel 3) and an international channel in many foreign languages. The content of electronic media includes both politics and entertainment. The socialist government which ruled Algeria during the 1960s and 1970s used radio and television effectively to advocate government policies, social integration and economic development. However, the content was propagandist and authoritarian in nature. The early 1980s witnessed a slow process of liberalization which affected many aspect of economic and social life except the mass media. The most important changes which significantly affected the world of electronic media occurred during the short period between 1990-1992. The hard media such as television an radio provided time and access to different political parties especially during political campaigns. There were many TV programs such "Lika El Sahafa" (Meeting the Press) and "Hiwar" (dialogue) whose reputation extended beyond the borders. This period of media diversity and competition came to an end when the democratization process was interrupted in late 1992, a move which, as was mentioned earlier, plunged the country into a violent social upheaval unsettled so far. As a result, the electronic media lost their relative diversity and became, as they were in the part, instruments to propagate government policies.

The number of radio receivers has increased from one million in 1965 to three millions in 1975 and to more than six millions in 1992. As for television sets, the number increased from 150,000 TV sets in 1965 to 500,000 in 1975 and to 2,000,000 in 19 92 (43). The government budget set for the sector of information and communication dramatically favors electronic media as opposed to print and others forms of communication. The budget allocated for TV and radio(44) is between 68% to 96% of the whole budget dedicated to communication during the period 1966 to 1984. The national news agency (Agence Presse Service) comes second in importance with a share of about 10%. The print media comes last and receives only about 5% of the budget during the same period. (45).

The new technologies of satellite television are dramatically affecting Algeria. The satellites signals carrying major French TV channels and some Arab TV channels can be captured throughout the northern part of the county and the phenomenon of 0.80 cm diameter dishes that set atop buildings and houses is apparent in most big cities of Algeria such as Algiers, Oran, Constantine and Annaba. It is estimated that 1 in every 4 families is linked to many French TV channels as TF1, M6, 2, canal+ and a number of Arab TV channels such as MBC (broadcast from London) through satellite broadcasting. The cultural and social impact of these signals can only be enormous although studies on the impact of these media on the general audience suggests that such impact includes both positive and negative dimensions. (46).

---

Table 2
Electronic media in the GM (*)

---

Television channels	Radio stations	Satellite Broadcasting	Internet
(government/Private)	government/Private	(Broadcasting - Reception)	(main provider)
.	.	(government)	(government)
Morocco	.	.	.
RTV / local channel Marocaine	national (around Dar Al Baida)/ Midi1 and local	RTM 1(**) / French TV channels Spanish TV channels MBC (a Saudi TV channel based in in London)	Several servers
Algeria	.	.	.
ENTV	national 4(***) local +20	Algerian TV/ French TV Channels: (****) TF1, F2, Channel +, M6, etc. MBC	CERIST(******)
Tunisia	.	.	.
RTV Tunisienne	national and local	TV 7 (*****) French TV channels Italian TV channels	Several servers

(*) reconstructed based on the available data.

(**) started broadcasting in Arabic in February 1993, satellite availability: Eutelsat II and Arabsat 1C

(***) channel 1 broadcasts in Arabic, 2 in Kabylia (a local language), 3 in French, 4 in other international languages

(****) started broadcasting in Arabic in 1994 to reach Algerian immigrants in France and other audiences: satellite availability, Intelsat V1 F1, Arabsat 1C and Astra 1B.

(*****)started broadcasting in Arabic in November 1992 : satellite availability Eutelsat II.

sources: Dorling Kindesley, World Reference Atlas, CD ROM, Multimedia, UK, 1995.

John Merrill, Global Journalism, Longman, New York, 1995, p. 199.

(******) Centre des Etudes et de Recherche en Information Scientifique et Technique.

---

In Tunisia, the government which took over at independence in 1956 put radio under government department. The new radio station was given certain autonomy and the government "did not push " this institution as much as other emerging states did (47). Television was established later in 1962.

Television, radio with its regional stations in Sfaqs and Al Monstir, are government owned. The content and style of radio and television broadcasting in Tunisia is characterized by less politically motivated programming, with more entertainment and popular culture. Political content, however, does not enjoy high credibility among the general public.

The number of radio receivers is more than one million and a half (200 receivers per 1,000 inhabitants) and the number of TV sets is less than a million (80 sets per 1,000 inhabitants (in 1992). The availability of satellite television and other te chnologies of communication such as video and PC is restricted to the elite, although satellite dishes are expanding rapidly due to technological advancement which tends to bypass government authority. There are actually many French companies which seek joint ventures to open private TV and radio channels in Tunisia. The same pattern occurs also in the world of print media and advertising.

News Agencies

News agencies in the GM emerged in the early 1960s. These agencies serve to disseminate domestic and foreign news within the borders of their countries and to supply domestic news to the outside world through other national or international news agencies. The region's agencies are the sole supplier of international news to domestic media, thereby having the capacity to serve as the national media gatekeeper in reporting regional and world events.

The "Agence Maghreb Presse" (MAP) of Morocco is the oldest news agency in the region. It was established as a private news agency in 1959. Its founder, Ahmed Benouna, was an ambitious journalist who wanted to the make the agency a regional service that could incorporate all countries of the GM. The agency's philosophy was based on the notion of objective journalism. This new form of journalism in the region was reflected in the agency's emblem: news is sacred, opinion is free. The agency subscribed to AFP, AP and UPI and transmitted as much as 22,000 worlds daily to local subscribers in the early 1960s . In 1961, the agency extended its service to Africa and concluded many mutual agreements with other world agencies such as Reuters, TASS, DPA and ADN. This experience, however, did not last long. The agency was nationalized in 1974 for reason that it disseminates information that contradict government policies in Morocco. The agency now functions under the authority of the Ministry of Information. As of the early 1980s, the agency has about 470 employees including 80 journalists. MAP subscribes to 25 national and international agencies.

The Algerie Press Service (APS) news agency was set up in 1961 during the war of liberation. It was first established in Tunis to disseminate information about the National Liberation Front and to counter French propaganda at that time. The agency moved to Algiers right after the independence in 1962 and started telegraphic service, followed in April 1963 by full telex facilities. The APS distributes in Arabic and French and preserves the monopoly of the distribution to all media in the country. The agency is government owned and controlled. It covers local and national news and has a number of correspondents in some regional countries. It is mostly dependent on Western agencies for the coverage of international news. The APS is now on Internet (www.cerist.dz) and provides major local news and a review of local daily newspapers' headlines. The Tunisian press agency (TAP) was created in 1961 as a government agency. The agency functions like other national agencies in developing societies. As of the early 1980s, the agency has about 340 employees including 110 journalists.(48).

Recent Trends in Media Development in the GM

The overview of media development in the GM provides some basis for comparison which puts such media in a new light in relation to other systems of communication.

The media in the GM historically followed a similar pattern of development. The press was first introduced by the colonial administration in the early 19th century. The press was then used by individual Muslims and the Muslim nationalist parties to educate, inform and advocate independence during the first part of this century. Later, the press became a government tool for propagating economic, social and cultural policies in the post-independence era.

The media system in the GM can be considered a government-sanctioned press system in Morocco and Tunisia and an unstable state-controlled press system in Algeria. The first system exercises subtle and diffuse means of control over the media while allowing private ownership of newspapers. The second system involves direct control over the management of media institutions and censorship of communication content. These systems reflect an indigenous centralized and monopolized press system whereby the media function within government-established prerogatives and give the public what it "needs" not what the public "wants." The central governments assume the more dominant role in planning and implementing particular policies without visible public participation.

Many recent social, economic and cultural factors both internally and externally have led the print media to slowly move toward a system of relative diversity reflecting different views that characterize the political arena. This has been materialized in the type of party press in Morocco, Algeria for a while (1989-1992) and to a lesser extent privately-owned press in Tunisia. This trend is also slightly affecting the audio-visual media where there are some private radio channels in Morocco and Tunisia and a local private TV channel in Morocco. There were attempts to establish a foreign sponsored TV channel in Algeria, but this did not evolve because of the current crisis sweeping the country.

This movement, however, appears to be slow and tedious. The GM engaged extensively in the process of economic liberalization and privatization. This process surprisingly did not affect the media in any significant way. The governments seem unwilling to give away these strategic means of forming public opinion and propaganda integration. The electronic media is still heavily controlled by the centralized authority of the government. (see Table 2 for the state of electronic media in the GM).

The press infrastructure in the GM is moderately developed. The ambitious economic programs set up in Algeria during the 1970s have given the country some advantage in the area of communication infrastructure, i.e., communication stations , printing houses, etc. Nonetheless, the countries of the GM have for decades given priority to the field of electronic media and have neglected the print media. This is related to many factors including the problem of illiteracy and the important mass character of radio and television. (see Table 3). The availability of satellite television has provided the audience with an important window to view local and world events from different perspectives, a fact which enriches people's political culture and awareness of their immediate as well as far distant environment. However, these technologies are also undermining people's attachments to their culture, morals and ethical values as people are constantly exposed to such immoral scenes of violence and pornography. The absence of an ethical press system of moral and social responsibility left an important size of the young generation to seek only the dark side of this mass culture reflected in many social ills and problems affecting society at large. The very recent technologies of communication such as Internet and PC are however limited to a small elite made up of high ranking officials mostly in government and educational institutions. The trend however may be reversed as these technologies become affordable and as institution and people become dependent on information in their economic and social life.

---

Table 3
Communication data in the GM
(1992)

---

Variable	Morocco	Algeria	Tunisia
Book production (number of titles)	.	506	1165
Daily newspapers	14	10	9
Circulation (total 000)	335	1000	410
Per 1000 inhabitants	13	38	49
Non-daily newspapers and periodicals	5 (1988)	37 (1990)	9 (1988)
Circulation (total 000)	35	1409	244
Per 1000 inhabitants	1	56	32
Television sets (number 000)	1950	2000	670
Per 1000 inhabitants	74	76	80
Radio receivers (number 000)	5527	6160	1680
Per 1000 inhabitants	210	234	200
Telephones (number 000)	821	1068	421
Per 1000 inhabitants	3.1	4	4.9
Telefax stations	5000	7000	10000
Mobile cellular telephone subscribers	6725	4781	2269
VCR ownership (Per 1000 inhabitants)	18	9	-
PC	limited	limited	limited
News agencies	MAP(1959)	APS(1961)	TAP(1961)

Sources: Statistical Yearbook, United Nations, United Nations Publications,1996.

Dorling Kindesley, World Reference Atlas, CD ROM, Multimedia, UK, 1995.

For news agencies, see Mohd Farid Mohd Azat, Wakalat El Anba Fi El Alam Al Arabi, Dar El Shoroug, Djeddah, 1983.

---

The press in the GM tends to be concentrated in the big cities of Rabat Dar Al Baida, Oran, Algiers, Constantine, Tunis. The regional press is rare or non-existent. The regional media are limited to radio broadcasting. There is little exchange between and among the countries of the GM in terms of print media , radio and TV programs, etc. The reader in any of these countries knows little about the happenings in the other countries in spite of the fact that these countries share a common historical and cultural heritage. The experience of MaghribVision (during the 1970s) which linked Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia and provided TV coverage of some sport and cultural events in the early 1970s lasted only for few years. This is an example of lack of cooperation among media institutions in the Muslim countries.

The press in the GM also is characterized by the phenomenon of language bilingualism (Arabic and French). The media use both Arabic and French. This inherent historical fact had sometimes played a divisive role when the content of these media did not reflect a coherent cultural framework and the audiences were exposed to conflicting messages that suggested different perceptions of reality and many modes of living. The process of "Arabization" which started in the GM right after the inde pendence was limited to formal education and the mass media were affected only slightly. The current trend is a reversal of the previous policies of "Arabization" whereby there is a sudden upsurge in the use of French in contemporary Maghrib media.

The future of mass media in the GM is however promising. The people are becoming more critical of media content and expect the media to respond effectively to their needs for reliable information and high quality, meaningful entertainment. The current trend toward economic liberalization can only be extended to the field of mass media. The technological development give audiences in the GM other alternatives which provide the possibility for comparison and development of one's views and perceptions of social reality and world events. These developments need to be linked to an ethical press system which reflects the premises of an Islamic culture which reconciles one's own culture, history and way of life with modern science and technology. The media in the GM have a long way to go in order to respond to these challenges and develop journalistic traditions of independence and professionalism and moral-social responsibility in this important part of the Muslim world.

Conclusion

The present study traces the rise , the development , and the recent trends of mass media in the GM ( Morocco , Algeria , and Tunisia ). The paper argues that the historical factors still weigh greatly on how media evolved in this part of the Muslim world. Nonetheless, the fragility and the relative inconsistencies of the current press systems in the GM are mostly the outcome of the post-independence conditions. The paper suggests that current mass media in the GM made modest contributions to social, economic and cultural development i.e., surveillance of the local environment and creating awareness of the outside milieu. However, they have failed so far in developing an educated society which is well informed and conversant with the recent te chnologies of communication. Although media availability has expanded successively over the years, their impact on social progress and moral-cultural development has been skimpy. This is due to many factors, indigenous and foreign; among these the absence of an equitable, moral and competitive system which can pilot and oversee media institutions in a society which seeks to forge its own cultural congruence and find a place for itself among the foremost growing societies. The prospects for the future of mass media in the GM are, however, promising. Print media are likely to gradually move away from government control. The development of a market economy can provide the substance for a media environment more independent of state and political pressures. The efforts to retain government control of broadcasting will continue. However, the proliferation of recent technologies of communication such direct broadcasting television and videocassettes will provide supplementary or alternative sources of informational and entertainment for the different audiences in the GM. This process will eventually lead to an open competitive social system whereby people can use the media to portray their authentic Islamic culture and have access to other cultures in this new world of global Gemeinschaft.

Notes

(*) The term "Grand Maghrib" is used to include the countries of Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia. The other terms which take some cultural, historical and political configurations are often used to describe this part of the Muslim world. The term "North Africa," commonly used in Western media and literature, carries geographic denotations at the expense of cultural and historical considerations. The concept "Maghrib Arabia" is used in relation to "Machrik Arabia" (eastern Arabia) and emphasizes cultural and language bonds among people in these two parts of the Arab world. Others use the concept "Maghrib" 'tout court' to account for linguistic diversity in the region. Still, the term "Muslim Maghrib" is also used to highlight people's attachment to the same common belief in Islam. Here, we are using the term Grand Maghrib to include all these previous dimensions.

(1) Microsoft Bookshelf, 1996-1997 Edition.

(**) abbreviation of Grand Maghrib.

(***) The method used in this study is descriptive and analytical, briefly combining historical factors and current data whenever possible. The shortcomings which may appear pertain to the difficult nature of the subject and lack of literature on mass media in the states of the GM, although there are serious attempts to study press history and development in each state apart from the GM put together such as the following studies:

Zahir Ihaddaden, Histoire de la Presse Indigene en Algerie, Enal, Alger, 1983. Habari Kebir, La Presse Nationale Depuis l' Independance, Enap, rapport, 1982.

(2) A label used by the colonial administration to describe the local population of Muslims.

(3) Known as Al Cheikh Al Hussain Al Wartilani, from Beni-Ourtilane near the Summam river in north Algeria. His Rihla was written in the 18th century and was subject to a number of academic studies in recent times.

(4) Zahir Ihaddaden, an outstanding Muslim scholar who worked for La Defense Algerienne and El Moudjahid during the war of liberation. He founded journalism education at the now Institute of Information and Communication (ISIC) of the University of Algiers where he taught since the early sixties until he retired in 1994. He is also regarded as the only historian of the Algerian press today.

(5) Zahir Ihaddaden, 'Evolution de la Presse Ecrite en Algerie Depuis l' Independance,' Revue Algerienne de la Communication, 3, (1989): 10.

(6)It is interesting to note that many colonial papers adopted local Muslim words, whereas the content of these papers had little to with the Muslims. In this example, the word Al Mubashir was purposely selected to reflect the religi ous missionary dimension of colonialism in Algeria.

(7) The first paper was the Iraqi Al Iraq, 1814, followed by the Egyptian Al Waqia Al Misria, published in 1928 in Arabic and Turkish.

(8) Zahir Ihaddaden, 'As Shafa Al Jazairia Min Bidayatiha Il Al Istiqlal,' in Abderrahmane Azzi and others, Alam Al Itisal, Diwan Matboat Jamieya, (Algiers: Diwan Al Matboat Al Jamiea, 1992), 97-119.

(9) John Merrill, Global Journalism: Survey of International Communication, ( New York: Longman, 1995), 192.

(10) Mohd Nasir Jawed, Year Book of the Muslim World: A Handy Encyclopedia, (New Delhi: Medialine, 1995), 406-413.

(11) El Moudjahid, once a paper of the political elite , slipped in importance since the late 1980s when many party and independent papers appeared.

(12)Statistical Year Book, (New York: United Nations Publications, 1996).

(13) Ralph Lowenstein, 'Press Freedom as a Barometer of Political Democracy,' in H.D. Fisher and J.C. Merrill, International & Intercultural Communication, (New York: Hastings House Publishers, 1978), 142-143.

(14) Donald L. Shaw and Robert L. Stevenson, 'leaders and Conflict in the News in 'Stable' vs. 'Pluralistic' Political Systems,' in Robert L. Stevenson and Donald L. Shaw, Foreign News and the New World Information Order, (Ames: The Iowa State University Press, 1984), 136-138.

(15) William Rugh, The Arab Press, (New York: Syracuse University Press, 1979), 7-104.

(16) Abderrahmane Azzi, 'Al Sahafa Al Arabid: Kiraa Taqyimia fi Thalouth William Rugh,' El Fikr Al Arabi, 58, (1989): 169-183.

(17) Merrill, Global Journalism,196-201.

(18) Zahir Ihaddaden, La Presse Musulmane Algerienne de 1839 a 1930, (Algiers: ENAL, 1986), 17-28.

(19) Subir Seif Al Islam, Tarikh Al Sahafa Al Jazairia, 6 Vols., (Algiers: Al Moassasa Watania lilfonon Al Matbaia, 1985).

(20) Ahmad Tafasca, 'kanawat Al Itisal fi Al Maghrib,' Report, (Rabat: 1984), 11.

(21) Rugh, The Arab Press.

(22) Ibid.

(23) Tafasca, 'kanawat,' 14.

(24) Ibid.

(25) Ibid, 7.

(26) Ihaddaden, La Press Musulmane, 11-15.

(27) Ihaddaden, 'Tarikh.'

(28) The paper was banned for its support of the Muslim revolt led by Abdelkrim Al Khattabi in Morocco.

(29) Rugh, The Arab Press.

(30) Ibid.

(31) Ibid.

(32) Ihaddaden, 'Evolution,' 21-22.

(33) This is the first recognized paper to be published in "Tamazigth" language in Algeria. Tamazigth, or Berber as it is called in Western literature, is the indigenous language of the people of North Africa in pre-Islamic era. Today, a sizable part of the population in the GM, particularly Morocco and Algeria, speaks Tamazigth in addition to Arabic and, among the elite, French language.

(34)Revolution Africaine was found in 1963 to cover Africa's struggle for political, economic, an cultural independence. It was established as an international weekly and the government hoped that it would circulate throughout French-speaking Africa, but it did not for political and economic reasons.

(35)Merrill, Global Journalism, 195.

(36)Jawed, Year Book, 406-413.

(37)Rugh, The Arab Press.

(38) Mohamed Hamdane, 'Historique de la Presse en Tunisie,' Revue Tunisienne de Communication, 9 (1986): 165-172.

(39)Rugh, The Arab Press.

(40) Ibid.

(41) 'Presentation des Periodiques en Langue Francaise Parus en Tunisie Pendant 'Annee 1985,' Revue Tunisienne de Communication, 9 (1986).

(42) Rugh, The Arab Press, 122.

(43) Statistical Year Book.

(44)The power of radio transmission has developed from 780 kW in 1965 to 7,000 kW in 1975.

(45)Brahim Brahim, 'Information Regionale et Presse Regionale en Algerie,' Revue Algerian de la Communication, 3, (1989), 28.

(46) I supervised two Master theses at the above-mentioned Institute of Communication on the subject: Boali Nassir, Jomhour Al Parabole fi Al Jazair, Unpublished Master Thesis, 1992 and Boukhrissa Aicha, Al Television Wal Maraa Al Sahrawia fi Al Jazair, Unpublished Master Thesis, 1996.

(47) Rugh, The Arab Press, 192.

(48) Mohamed Farid Mahmoud Izat, Wakalat Al Anba fi Al Alam Al Arabi, (Jeddah: Dar Al Chorouk, 1983), 61-70.

Further Readings

Boyd, Douglas A., Broadcasting in the Arab World: A Survey of Radio and Television in the Middle East, (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1993).

Ghania Mouffok, Etre Journaliste en Algerie, (Paris, N.A., 1996).

Ihaddaden, Zahir, 'The Post-Colonial Policy of Algerian Broadcasting In Kabyle,' in Riggins, Stephen Harold, Ethnic Minority Media, (Newbury Park: Sage,1992).

Kamalipour, Yahia and Mowlana, Hamid, Mass Media and the Middle East: A Comprehensive Handbook, (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1994).

Kirat, Mohammed, The Algerian Newspeople: A Study of Their Backgrounds, Professional Orientation and Working Conditions, (Algiers: Office des Publications Universitaires, 1993).

Abderrahmane Azzi © 1997-1998 All Rights Reserved